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TIME: Almanac 1990
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1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
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061989
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06198900.039
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1990-09-22
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COMMUNISM, Page 22Fear and Anger in Hong KongBeijing's massacre shakes the colony's faith in the futureBy William Stewart/HONG KONG
The glittering glass-and-steel Bank of China, Southeast Asia's
tallest building and a prominent addition to Hong Kong's
spectacular skyline, was to embody the faith that both Hong Kong
and China placed in a common future, a visible symbol of the "one
country, two systems" promised when the British crown colony
reverts to China in 1997. Last week two enormous black-and-white
banners drooped across the tower's facade bearing a grim message
in Chinese characters: BLOOD MUST BE PAID WITH BLOOD.
Overnight the savage massacre in Tiananmen Square shattered
Hong Kong's wary faith in that future. Thousands donned funeral
garb to mourn the dead of Beijing. The stock market plunged 22% in
one day in a paroxysm of lost confidence. Chinese flocked to
mainland banks to withdraw their money, as much in anger as in
fear. And the largely apolitical people of this freewheeling
monument to commercialism discovered a newfound political activism.
The grief and fury felt in Hong Kong are the latest expression
of a startling change in the colony's view of itself. Throughout
its almost 150-year history as a bold, pushy trading enclave, the
business of Hong Kong has been business. The colony was a place
where foreigners and Chinese alike came to make money and get away
from the political turmoil on the mainland. But since the student
movement blossomed in Beijing last April, Hong Kong has been
galvanized. It has found an identity at last, and it is Chinese.
For three weekends in a row, a million people, almost 20% of
the population, have poured into the crowded streets to show
solidarity with the students in Beijing. What began as a display
of support soon became an affirmation of Hong Kong's own desires
for democracy and self-rule. Then the violent suppression in
Tiananmen Square woke Hong Kong to the fear that- the fate of the
students could be its own.
"Never in my worst dreams did I think such a thing could
happen," said Raymond Ng, 21, a movie-studio technician. "Blood has
flowed like a river. A catastrophe has befallen my country." So
Hock, 42, a textile-factory worker explained his shock and outrage:
"They sent the troops out to kill these young people, people the
army is supposed to protect. They are worse than beasts." At a
rally last Sunday at the Happy Valley racetrack, Legislative
Council member Martin Lee told a crowd, "I believe it (the
crackdown) is the work of very old men who cling to power and are
prepared to sacrifice . . . millions of lives. I think they have
gone mad." Lee then promptly resigned as a member of the Basic Law
Drafting Committee, the body established by China to draw up Hong
Kong's post-1997 charter.
What the people of Hong Kong discovered they want is democracy
for Chinese everywhere, Hong Kong included. While Hong Kong is
democratic in spirit, members of its legislature are mostly
appointed. An elected legislature could be installed by 1997, but
the Basic Law does not call for an elected chief executive until
at least 15 years after the hand-over. But now a fearful Hong Kong
is demanding a faster pace for its own democratization, to make it
all the harder for Beijing to overturn.
The shock of last week's events may spur London to take swift
action on representative government. If it does, it may be only to
dodge a more explosive issue: whether to give 3.5 million Hong Kong
citizens who hold restricted British passports the right to
resettle in Britain. But the government of Prime Minister Margaret
Thatcher is appalled at the prospect of millions of immigrants
flooding Britain, and so far has ruled out any drastic change.
Declared Foreign Secretary Sir Geoffrey Howe: "We could not easily
contemplate a massive new immigration commitment."
Amid Hong Kong's anger at China, there is growing resentment
that Britain is failing to provide the leadership the colony needs
during this tense period. The colonial government is rapidly losing
its moral authority, as citizens conclude Britain isn't listening
to them. Last week Governor Sir David Wilson finally flew to London
to plead Hong Kong's case. Although Thatcher is willing to relax
the rules a little and is expected to announce some details this
week, Wilson did not receive the kinds of reassurance the colony
desperately seeks.
In the end, Britain cannot restore what Beijing has destroyed:
Hong Kong's faith that China will keep its word. The events in
Tiananmen Square have deeply alienated a people only reluctantly
willing to accept China's embrace. It is a sad and disturbing irony
that at the very moment Hong Kong has discovered its affinity with
the Chinese people, it has also seen the ugly side of its
prospective governors. Says Dame Lydia Dunn, the senior member of
Hong Kong's governing Executive Council: "In one week China has
wiped out what it had accomplished in ten years. Fears now have to
be recognized."